Research Sampler |
![]() |
To get a handle on expertise, cognitive psychologists, who want to understand it, and knowledge engineers, who want to use it in AI programs, have extensively examined both general problem-solving heuristics and expertise in particular, often narrow, domains. They have designed artificial intelligence programs which duplicate, and sometimes even exceed, human expertise. Two early examples from the 70's are Newell and Simon's General Problem Solver and MYCIN, a rule-based deduction system for diagnosing bacterial infections. [Cf. Newell & Simon, Human Problem Solving, 1972; Winston, Artificial Intelligence, 3rd ed., 1992, pp.130-132.]
Such attempts required consideration of questions like: Of what does expertise consist? What do experts know that novices don't?
For example, Chi, et al, found that after a single course in
mechanics, students categorized textbook problems as similar,
based on kinds of objects -- pulleys, levers, etc. -- whereas
advanced graduate students used principles such as conservation
of energy [Cognitive Science 5 (1981), 121-152]. Taking
their cue from the artificial intelligence work of the day, Reif and
Heller delineated the (often tacit) knowledge needed to describe and
solve certain mechanics problems, devised a prescriptive solution
procedure, and guided introductory physics students through it
step-by-step to get good performance [Educational
Psychologist 17 (1982), 102-127]. Implications for
instruction included making tacit processes explicit, getting students
to talk about processes, providing guided practice, ensuring that
the component procedures are well learned, and emphasizing
qualitative understanding. [Cf. Heller and Hungate, "Implications
for mathematics instruction of research in scientific problem
solving," in E. A. Silver (Ed.), Teaching and Learning
Mathematical Problem Solving: Multiple research perspectives,
Erlbaum, 1985.]
The expert-novice literature suggests that: Experts (1) have a
better memory for relevant problem details, (2) classify problem
types according to their underlying principles, rather than their
surface structure, (3) work forward towards a goal, rather than
backwards from it, and (4) use well-established procedures or rule
automation. The first three of these can be viewed in terms of schemas,
which suggest the category to which a problem might belong, as well
as appropriate solutions strategies. Both schemas and rule automation
reduce memory load, allowing an expert to handle familiar aspects of
a problem routinely, while freeing cognitive capacity for novel
aspects of a problem. [Cf. Owen and Sweller, JRME 20,
322-328. Also, our brief discussion of schemas in
Research Sampler No. 2].
While these are interesting results, most mathematicians are not
primarily concerned with teaching students only a narrow range
of "set piece" exercises, but rather with encouraging greater flexibility
and the kind of nonroutine problem solving discussed by Pólya
in his famous books How to Solve It (1945/1957),
Mathematics and Plausible Reasoning (1954), and
Mathematical Discovery (1962, 1965/1981).
Very briefly summarized, Schoenfeld analyzed problem-solving
in terms of cognitive resources (one's basic knowledge of
mathematical facts and procedures), heuristics (strategies and
techniques one has), control or metacognition (how one uses
what one knows), and beliefs or weltanschauung
(e.g., all math problems can be solved in ten minutes or less
if one understands the material). In contrast to successful
nonroutine problem solvers, he found college students rush
to an answer, use known procedures uncritically, believe
there must be a formula for every problem, and go on
mathematical "wild goose chases."
While no one doubts the usefulness of an extensive knowledge
base of mathematical facts and procedures -- a good mathematical
"tool kit" -- in addition, good problem solvers actively monitor
their progress, deciding which solution paths to explore or not
explore, whether to abandon, pursue, or change approaches/strategies.
The mathematicians participating in the study were observed
and audio-taped as they solved four ill-structured problems,
taking as much time as needed. One of the problems was:
Prove the following proposition: If a side of a triangle is
less than the average of the other two sides, then the opposite
angle is less than the average of the other two angles.
Of the 32 problem attempts by each group, Group A solved 29,
whereas Group B solved just 7. In some cases, mathematicians
in both groups, did not recall the necessary mathematical facts,
such as the law of cosines, needed to solve a problem in a
particular way -- this hindered the performance of Group B
mathematicians, but not those of Group A. In 22 (of 32) attempts,
Group A mathematicians made better control decisions, sometimes
navigating the solution space in meandering but meaningful
ways, to arrive at a solution, whereas in 17 (of 32) attempts,
Group B mathematicians, while able to avoid the kind of
"wild goose chases" students often exhibit, did not exploit
their resources well. In general, Group A's control decisions
exerted a positive influence on problem solution,
whereas Group B's were considered netural. Although
both groups of mathematicians were
content experts, DeFranco concludes that only those
in Group A were problem-solving experts. He asserts,
"It is apparent that university mathematics departments train
students in subject matter but not in problem solving skills.
To the extent that solving problems is important . . . the
mathematics community needs to rethink the culture in which
students are trained to be mathematicians." [Research In
Collegiate Mathematics Education, II, 1996, p. 209].
For example, his second problem on the first day was:
A friend of mine claims that he can inscribe a square
in the triangle -- that is, that he can find a construction
that results in a square, all of whose corners lie on the
sides of the triangle. Is there such a construction -- or
might it be impossible? Do you know for certain that
there's an inscribed square? Do you know for certain
there's a construction that will produce it? Schoenfeld
used this problem to introduce two of Pólya's heuristics
-- find an easier, related problem, and if there is a special
condition, relax it and look for the solution in the resulting
family of solutions. After working in groups using the first
heuristic, students suggested trying an inscribed
rectangle or a circle instead of a square, as well as looking
for a counterexample, a suggestion that was put on hold,
while Schoenfeld evaluated the other suggestions with
the class and pointed out the difficulties of employing
this heuristic. He then introduced the "relax a condition"
heuristic, asking what would be easier to inscribe than
a square. A student quickly suggested a rectangle and
it was noted, using a continuity argument, that between
inscribed "short and fat" and "tall and skinny" rectangles,
there would be a square. While this provided an existence
proof, it did not provide a constructive one, the discussion
of which was deferred to the next class. While more went
on in the class, the above gives an indication of Schoenfeld's
approach.
Teaching heuristics is not easy -- one must introduce them
quickly so students can appreciate their power, yet slowly
enough so students learn to apply them over a wide range
of problems. There is the specificity problem, that is,
heuristics such as "find an easier problem" are too general to
be useful, but presenting specific versions of each strategy
would make the list of useful heuristics too long and
cumbersome to teach and learn. So generality of strategies
and their attendant vagueness must be retained. There is
the implementation problem, that is, even if a student
selects a potentially productive strategy, this can be undermined
by mistakes at any step. There is the resource problem,
that is, even if a student selects a workable strategy, failure to
recall the necessary mathematical concepts or procedures
can cause it to fail. [Cf. Arcavi, Kessel, Meira & Smith,
"Teaching mathematical problem solving: An analysis of an
emergent classroom community," RCME, III,
to appear.]
Experts and novices exhibit similar kinds of emotional
reactions during problem-solving, but experts handle
them better. In studying affect, Douglas McLeod has
used Mandler's general theory of emotion, which
indicates that physiological phenomena, such as an
increase in heartbeat or muscle tension, often occur
in response to the interruption of planned behavior.
Such interruptions can be pleasant surprises, unpleasant
irritations, or major catastrophes. McLeod, et al, found
that, whatever their attitude towards mathematics generally,
nonmajors reported experiencing similar up and down mood
swings as they made, or did not make, progress in solving
nonroutine problems. The authors suggest emotions are relatively
independent of traditional attitude constructs. [McLeod,
Craviotto & Ortega, Proceedings of 14th PME, 1(1990),
159-166.]
Recently, DeBellis and Goldin have considered the influence
of values, i.e., one's psychological sense of what is right or
justified, on problem solving. For example, some students
may feel they "should" follow established procedures when
tackling problems, whereas others may value originality and
self-assertiveness. Good problem solvers exhibit productive
responses to insufficient understanding, while others, not
wanting to admit deficiencies in their mathematical knowledge,
may feel they "should" know and this may lead them to
guess or use plausible, but inappropriate, procedures.
DeBellis and Goldin, view beliefs, attitudes, emotions, and values -- and
their interplay with cognition -- as fundamental to problem
solving; these provide information that can facilitate or hinder
monitoring. Emotions are often fleeting, whereas the others
are relatively stable, self-regulating structures of an individual.
Affective pathways (i.e., established sequences of states of feeling)
can be positive or negative. For example, if a positive pathway
is invoked at the onset of problem solving, curiosity may
motivate the solver to better understand the problem and
lead to exploratory heuristics; frustration at a subsequent
impasse can cause a revision of strategies. If a negative pathway
is invoked , bewilderment can led to a search for "safe"
procedures, rather than exploration; when these fail, frustration
may lead to anxiety and reliance on authority or avoidance.
[Proceedings of 21st PME, 2(1997),
209-216.]
These results on affect are just a beginning. More studies are
needed on how cognition and affect interact during problem solving,
as well as on how teachers might engender and harness positive affect.
Expert-Novice Studies Have Often Concentrated
on Textbook Problems
Cognitive psychologists who conducted expert-novice studies
in the 80's often employed textbook mathematics or physics
problems with beginning students as their novices and teachers
or graduate students as their experts. They identified productive
behaviors of content experts during relatively routine problem
solving and suggested implications for instruction.
Solving Nonroutine Problems
While Pólya's heuristic strategies, such as exploiting analogies,
decomposing and recombining, induction, specialization, variation,
and working backwards, ring true to mathematicians, they are
descriptive, rather than prescriptive. Mathematicians recognize
them, but they appear not to be detailed enough to allow those
not already familiar with them to often employ them. Indeed,
when Alan Schoenfeld came upon them as a young mathematician
in 1974, he was initially excited, only to be disappointed when
repeatedly informed by mathematics faculty who coached students
for the Putnam Exam that they were of little or no use. He set out
to discover why Pólya's widely admired strategies didn't
work for most students, looking first to cognitive science and
artificial intelligence, e.g., Newell and Simon's General Problem Solver.
He discovered, as have others, that general heuristics like
means-ends analysis or backward chaining, while good for solving
general logic problems such as the missionaries-and-cannibals
problem, are almost useless for problems in content rich domains
like mathematics. He then began a progression of ever deeper
observations of student problem solving using video-tapes of
paired problem solving and interviews, the results of which are
detailed in his book, Mathematical Problem Solving
(Academic Press, 1985). [A short summary of this intellectual
journey together with a concise introduction to his findings
can be found in "Confessions of an Accidental Theorist,"
For the Learning of Mathematics 8, 1.]
Are Mathematicians Expert Problem Solvers?
Using Schoenfeld's framework, Thomas DeFranco decided to
study the problem-solving behavior of mathematicians. An
initial pilot study with six male and two female Ph.D. mathematicians
proved disappointing when many neither solved the problems
posed nor exhibited the kinds of metacognitive behavior
Schoenfeld had attributed to problem-solving experts. However,
at Schoenfeld's suggestion DeFranco repeated the study -- this
time with two groups of male mathematicians (to control for
possible gender differences). Group A consisted of eight
mathematicians who had achieved national or international
recognition in the mathematics community -- they had published
836 articles, received twelve honorary degrees, as well as numerous
prizes and medals , and included presidents and vice-presidents of AMS
and MAA. Those in Group B were no "slouches" -- eight Ph.D.
professional mathematicians, who had not been accorded such
honors or held such elected professional positions, but had
published a total of 132 articles.
How Might One Teach Problem Solving?
While there are probably a number of ways, very few have
been documented in the literature. Even Alan Schoenfeld
who has been teaching a problem-solving course for years,
has only recently had his classes video-taped for analysis,
with the first papers about to appear in the CBMS volume,
Research in Collegiate Mathematics Education, III.
One of these deals with the first two days of class from four
different perspectives. Because students are used to listening,
taking notes, and learning procedures to solve standard
problems, it is crucial that the teacher renegotiate the
"didactic contract" in order to set up a "mathematical community"
in which students propose and evaluate conjectures for themselves
using solid mathematical reasons. For Schoenfeld, this involves
a variety of traditional and non-traditional techniques with the
teacher firmly in control -- he sets the top-level goals, selects
the initial problems, directs students' work, and models
desirable mathematical actions and dispositions. He selects
and structures his problems carefully and knows which solution
strategies students tend to proffer and where these will lead.
He is thus able to pursue the students' suggestions while
furthering his own goal of teaching heuristics.
The Importance of Affect
Whereas Schoenfeld investigated beliefs like "all math
problems can be solved in ten minutes or less," others have
considered affective factors such as attitudes and emotions.
Emotions are regarded as the most intense and least stable, often
disappearing when the "frustration of trying to solve a hard
problem is followed by the joy of solution." Attitudes are seen
as moderately intense, reasonably stable responses that
develop through the automatization of repeated emotional
reactions or through transfer of pre-existing attitudes to
new, but related situations. Beliefs, which may be about
mathematics or about oneself in relation to it, are viewed
as mainly cognitive and develop comparatively slowly.
Return to the
Research Sampler column or go to the
Bibliography.
Copyright ©1998 The Mathematical Association of America